TRACKPADS History Wins the Future Back to Trackpads
A TRACKPADS COLLECTIONRESEARCH LIBRARY
ARMOR · January-February 1997

Tank Warfare During the Rif Rebellion, 1921-1927

Dr. Jose E. Alvarez
pp. 26–28Features1997

Article

Digitized from the original journal. Page headers, page numbers, photo credits, and obvious layout artifacts have been removed; transcription errors may remain. Submit a correction if you spot one.

Tank Warfare During the Rif Rebellion 1921-1927 by José E. Alvarez in favor of French equipment. France’s geographic proximity to Spain, as well as its shared interest in Morocco, contributed to the deal being consummated between Paris and Madrid. Consequently, in August 1921, the French prime minister authorized the sale of tanks, artillery, and airplanes to the Spanish Army. The tanks, known as “carros de combate/asalto” in Spain, arrived in January of the following year.4 The initial delivery to the Army numbered twelve 6.5-ton Renault FT-17s; eleven were armed with a 7-mm Hotchkiss machine gun, one served as a command tank (FT-17TSH). These twelve tanks were delivered to the Escuela Central de Tiro. Six Schneider CA1 tanks were also purchased and placed at the disposal of the artillery branch of the Army.

The FT-17s were incorporated into a company (“Compañia de Carros de Asalto”), with a command staff using the TSH, two platoons of five tanks each, as well as a support and repair unit. The twelfth tank would remain at the Testing Ground to be used in training. The company equipment also included twelve Renault tank transport trucks, two Hispano-Suiza tanker trucks, and a Ford light truck to transport stores. In addition, a repair truck which remained in Segovia, was never delivered. The staff consisted of a captain, two lieutenants, one sergeant-major, eight sergeants who would serve as TCs, and forty enlisted men (eleven tank drivers, twenty truck drivers, and nine mechanics and service personnel).5 King Alfonso XIII saw a demonstration of the new tanks at a military camp outside Madrid soon after their arrival. After a brief period of instruction for the new unit, the General Staff ordered that the tank company be transferred by rail to the port of Malaga on March 8, and from there by ship to Melilla. Once there, the unit was immediately sent to the encampment at Dar Drius. However, suitable shelter for the tanks from the inclement weather, as well as repair facilities, had not been established. This led the company commander, Captain José de Alfaro, to pen a terse report to Army HQ in Melilla. As a result, all tanks needing major repairs had to be sent from Dar Drius to the artillery’s machine shop in Melilla.6 No more than two months had gone by since the tanks had arrived in Spain and they would now be pressed into service against the Beni Said tribe. On March 17, the company joined General

F. Berenguer Fuste’s column at the forward outpost of Itihuen/Ichtiuen. The following morning, at 0600 hours, the tank company began its advance with the infantry of the Foreign Legion deployed behind the FT-17s. The operation, which called for the capture of Tuguntz, succeeded in reaching and occupying the houses of Ambar/Anvar. Once there, however, they began to take heavy fire from their left flank. The tanks had advanced, over broken terrain, faster than their infantry, and a distance of some 800 meters separated them. The Riffians, undaunted by the appearance of these new war machines, surrounded the unprotected tanks and began hurling stones at them. Finding the machine gun’s blind spots, they thrust their daggers (gumias) through the vision slits, injuring one machine gunner’s face. Many of the tank’s machine guns, installed the day before, jammed during firing due to faulty ammunition.

The tanks had to withdraw to rejoin the Legionnaires, but during the withdrawal, fighting continued, forcing some of the tankers to abandon their disabled or disarmed vehicles. The outcome of this less than auspicious event in the history of Spanish armor left two sergeants and one enlisted driver wounded, and three tanks disabled. Lacking the necessary recovery equipment, two of the tanks had to be left on the battlefield where the Riffians blew them up with dynamite four days later.7 The Army’s General Staff examined the lackluster performance of the tanks, and concluded that the determining factor in the fiasco was the lack of coop-ARMOR — 27 eration between the infantry and tanks. The gap which developed between the two elements, as well as the failure of the machine guns, were also important contributing factors. It was also noted that the tanks had been rushed to the front without the opportunity for coordinated training/exercises with the infantry.8 For the remainder of the campaign in the Protectorate, tanks were used on a smaller scale, to provide support during retreats, in punitive operations, in wheeled-vehicle recovery, and in reconnaissance operations with cavalry and infantry units. They would once again be used in a major operation during the amphibious landings at Alhucemas Bay in September, 1925, where the company of FT-17s were to disembark first in order to provide fire support for the infantry who followed them ashore. The landing craft, however, struck a shoal, forcing the infantry and artillery to disembark unassisted. The tanks were brought ashore the following day, where they provided support for the left flank of the beachhead and, with the collaboration of the VIth and VIIth Banderas of the Legion, advanced to take the strategic heights/line of Malmusi Alto, Malmusi Bajo, and Morro Viejo.9 With the successful landing at Alhucemas Bay by the Spanish Army, the defeat of Krim and his “Rif Republic” was assured. The war would continue, with less intensity, until peace was declared in mid-1927.

In conclusion, Spain’s first use of armor during the Rif rebellion in Morocco resulted in a minor setback. Nevertheless, among the farsighted officers of the Army, the use of tanks in a colonial setting, where difficult terrain would be encountered, was a reality. In this type of campaign, it was of the utmost importance that armor and infantry provide mutual support. If not, either could be easily cut off and destroyed.

This not only happened to Spanish tanks at Ambar, but to Italian armor during the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935-36. Greater mechanical reliability, along with better ammunition, improved the fighting capability of Spanish tanks during the rebellion, and even though they did not play a major role during the Alhucemas Bay landings, they were available to provide fire support if called upon to do so.

Within the Spanish Army, there was no turning back. Armor was here to stay.

Notes

  1. On pp. 177-179, Franco detailed his personal opinions on the employment of tanks in the Moroccan Campaign, as well as his numerous recommendations for improvement. While others in the military declared that ‘The tanks have failed,’ or ‘Tanks are useless in Morocco; they are inappropriate in this terrain,’ he (along with Genereal Damaso Berenguer Fuste, High Commissioner of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco) believed otherwise. He boldly stated that, “Los carros de asalto y tanques son de gran aplication en esta guerra. Veremos si el tiempo me da la razon.” 2David S. Woolman, Rebels in the Rif: Abd el Krim and the Rif Rebellion (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968), p. 102. 3John Scurr, The Spanish Foreign Legion, Osprey Men-At-Arms Series, no. 161 (London: Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1985), pp. 11-12. 4Defensa, no. 144, April 1990, “Los Carros de Asalto Españoles en la Campaña de Marreu-cos,” p. 62. 5Ibid., p. 63. TSH is the Spanish translation of the French TSF (i.e., Telegraph without wire or radio-equipped). Javier de Mazarrasa, Blindados En España, 1a Parte: La Guerra Civil 1936-1939, No.2 (Valladolid: Quiron Ediciones, 1991), p. 18. This source recorded that only eleven FT-17s were purchased, including the TSH. For more on the FT-17 light tank, including specifications, see Kenneth Macksey and John H. Batchelor, Tank: A History of the Armored Fighting Vehicle (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1970), pp. 38-39, and Christopher F. Foss, The Illustrated Encyclopedia of the World’s Tanks and Fighting Vehicles: A technical directory of major combat vehicles from World War I to the present day, with a Foreword by Richard M. Ogorkiewicz (New York: Chartwell Books, Inc.,), pp. 70-71. 6Defensa, p. 63. 7Ibid., pp. 63-64. Franco, pp. 175-177. Woolman, p. 105. It is interesting to note that during the Italian-Ethiopian War of 1935-1936, the Ethiopians fought the Italian CV-33/5 light tanks in similar fashion. Major General J.F.C. Fuller, The First of the League Wars, its lessons and omens (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1936), p. 68, (n. 1), described Ethiopian anti-tank methods thus: They lay up for tanks when they attempt to cross difficult ground, rushed them from behind, scrambled on their backs, and then leaning over the roof of the cab smashed the muzzles of the [2] machine guns with a rock. I also heard that sometimes they poured petrol over a tank and set it alight. For more on the role of the Legion, which suffered 86 casualties during this battle (one of them being Major Fontanes, CO of the IInd Bandera, who was KIA), see José E. Alvarez, “The Betrothed of Death: The Spanish Foreign Legion during the Rif Rebellion, 1920-1927” (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1995), pp. 147-149. 8Defensa, p. 64. On page 9 of a manuscript provided to the writer by Colonel of Infantry (Legion) Ramón Moya Ruiz entitled “Los Medios Blindados y La Legion,” the author noted the following causes for the failure of the tanks at the battle of Ambar and what needed to be done to rectify the situation: •It was necessary to install two machine guns instead of the single one provided. •Improve the quality of the ammunition to avoid interruptions [jamming]. •Better trained personnel with combat experience. •Tanks, in this type of campaign, should be employed with mutual support from infantry. •The threat to tanks will come from: artillery, antitank rifles [i.e., the 13-mm Mauser T-Gewehr of 1918] and machine guns. 9Moya Ruiz, pp. 11-12. Defensa, p. 64. Scurr, pp. 16-17. Renault FT-17—Technical Data Crew: 2. Armament: One Hotchkiss 7mm machine gun. Armor: 22mm (0.87in) maximum; 6mm (0.24in) minimum. Dimensions: Length (with tail) 16ft 5in (5m); width 5ft 9in (1.74m); height 6ft 7in (2.14m). Weight: Combat 15,432 lbs (7,000kg). Ground Pressure: 8.5lb/in2 (0.59kg/cm2). Engine: Renault four-cylinder water-cooled gasoline engine developing 35bhp at 1,500 rpm. Performance: Road speed 4.7mph (7.7km/h); road range 22 miles (35km); vertical obstacle 2ft (0.6m); trench crossing (with tail) 5ft 11in (1.8m), (without tail) 4ft 5in (1.35m); gradient 50 percent. Adapted from Christopher F. Foss, The Illustrated Encyclopedia of the World’s Tanks and Fighting Vehicles. 28 ARMOR — January-February 1997 Dr. José E. Alvarez is an Assistant Professor of History at The University of Houston-Downtown, and an honorary member of the Brotherhood of Former Gentlemen Legionnaires of the Spanish Foreign Legion (Ceuta chapter).
End of indexed article

Citation

Dr. Jose E. Alvarez. “Tank Warfare During the Rif Rebellion, 1921-1927.” ARMOR, January-February 1997, pp. 26-28.

Dr. Jose E. Alvarez. “Tank Warfare During the Rif Rebellion, 1921-1927.” ARMOR, January-February 1997, pp. 26-28.

HELP IMPROVE THE RECORDSee something that should be corrected?

Report a transcription error, attribution issue, page-boundary problem, or stronger source. The article title and URL will be attached automatically.

Submit a correction →

Read deeper with Trackpads Books

Trackpads books turn research themes into longer narrative and reference works. Book purchases help support the project.

Explore Trackpads Books ↗

Listen to the history

Continue with Trackpads podcasts for military-history series, interviews, and narrated features.

Browse Trackpads Podcasts ↗